Lifting the veil on Indonesian ‘democracy’*

Image source: advicesisters.com
By Evan A. Laksmana
The fuel prices rise of almost 30 percent was finally announced last week. This highly unpopular move will certainly affect all people, especially the poor, in the country.
The policy indicates the growing gap between the political elite and Indonesian people. Another indication was the “study trip” by Indonesian legislators to Latin America costing tax payers thousands of dollars amidst the government’s plan to raise fuel prices.
After ten years of political reform, why is the gap between the political elites and the people increasing? Shouldn’t a democracy reflect proximity between the elected officials and their constituents?
Moreover, the current political system was supposed to help solve the multidimensional crisis that hit Indonesia over a decade ago. What is the hold up?
A closer look at the political process and public sentiment beyond the elections of the past decade allows us to discern several possible answers behind this democratic veil.
First, the nature of the political transition after the fall of Soeharto in 1998 created a window of opportunity. Old political elites have been able to extricate and reconstitute themselves within the new system characterized by political parties and parliament. It was basically a transition from a “sultanistic” authoritarian regime to an oligarchic system ruled by political party bosses. In other words, we went from a rock to hard place.
Second, it seems “democracy” has become a buzzword diverting attention from the more crucial issue of good governance and a pretext for “horse-trading” politics among local and national elites. This has led to public resentment, which, if not remedied, could erode public trust in the idea of democracy itself.
Third, a decentralized democratic political system has never fully materialized because local elites continue to jockey for power and wealth, and the economic sector and welfare continues to deteriorate. This is the opposite to the initial vision of regional autonomy where officials tended to local constituents, who were often neglected by the Jakarta-based political elites.
Finally, despite the argument favoring a consociational political system aimed at achieving stability, the result has been the opposite. The political system is now more unstable and unpredictable because of the predatory nature of the oligarchic post-Soeharto system, which has meant that short-term realpolitik, rather than political party platforms, is the norm.
These are the main reasons why we are witnessing a growing gap between the political elite and the people in general.
Moreover, it appears that political liberalization, as indicated by the hundreds of new political parties, has not been followed by proper political management and regulation. This is perhaps the main reason why elites continue to strive for their own benefit as the people continues to suffer.
Therefore, despite the significant progress of political reform over the past decade, a stable political system that is accountable to its constituents and is focused on good governance remains an elusive notion.
Although some have argued that the new election laws were aimed at creating a stable multiparty system based around seven to eight major political factions in parliament, how this will be implemented remains to be seen.
Therefore, the next phase in Indonesia’s democratic development should be to focus on the issue of democratic good governance, which would shift the oligarchic nature of the political system and the power of party bosses to the people.
How should we go about doing this though? There is no easy answer or a handbook to tackle this question as all the above mentioned problems are structural. The fact that the current system entrenches the entire political elite makes it hard for any significant progress in the near future.
One alternative solution is to remedy the process of regional autonomy to truly follow the spirit of democratic decentralization. One could argue that this has not been the case because local officials “owe” their election to the Jakarta-based political parties supporting their candidacy. Thus, one could debate whether a local political party is the answer to this conundrum.
However, another possible long-term solution is the academic, civic and political education of the younger generation. More and more, the younger generation are becoming more skeptical about the political process, which they see as corrupt and a waste of their time.
Moreover, some of the Indonesia’s best and brightest are actually being lured out of the country by better opportunities abroad. Unfortunately, without these future leaders, Indonesia’s political system will remain locked in a cycle of corruption.
The growing gap between the political elites at the national and local level and the people at large remains Indonesia’s biggest political challenge. The oligarchic nature of the current system excludes genuine representation of a wide array of citizens and the vast majority of the population. As long as these issues are not addressed it seems absurd to continue calling Indonesia a “democratic country.”
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*This article was previously published by The Jakarta Post.
The writer is a research analyst for the Indonesia program at S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He can be reached at isevan@ntu.edu.sg
Very good and insightful article, Evan.
Evan, it is incredible that you are able to present the complexity of Indonesia problems in one, short and very easy to understand article. Good job.
What do you think about the application of democratic decentralization now?
It was a sad pleasure to read this excellent article. Sad because of the message, a pleasure because of the quality.
An analysis which is, though not very optimistic, convincing. Be it that some of the Indonesian problems are not idiosyncratic: the growing gap between the ruling elite and the voters (and non voters) is an American and European phenomenon as well. Ruling elites always tend to become oligarchies - it takes an strong inherent social mobility on top of going through the democratic motions, to countervail that. It will be a hell of a job to get a better younger generation to take the helm. They run the risk to be kept out or gradually will turn into the next generation of oligarchs themselves.
A democracy should include, apart from the rules and structural framework, an attitude and a culture. Good governance is part of that. It’s goal should be to give the people legal, social and economical protection to live each individual’s integrity, talents and potential to the limit.But if their elected government doesn’t deliver and in stead consists of politicians who primarily are looking well after themselves, those millions who are living in fear of their future because of all kinds of socio-economical threats, can make a society bound for tensions and conflicts. And Indonesia has to cope with an abundance of tensions and conflicts for sure.
Yet, it has not been a tale of bad news only in the last ten years. Indonesia doesn’t look like the ideal democracy indeed. But then, on the other hand, full blown democracies never developed with one decade. So maybe there’s still room for hope. Last presidential elections were valid. The military seems to be back in the barracks. Separatism in Aceh has been changed into some kind of autonomy. Religious conflicts in Ambon and Sulawesi have seemingly calmed down. Economic growth may not have been in double figures, but seems to be fair.And there have been some glimpses of justice vis à vis some cases of corruption, including a convicted regional political boss.
So, let’s hope.
INDONESIA: “fledging Democracy for lack of regulations on political public playing field”
The recent 30% fuel price increase is something that Indonesia has to take despite public outcries. The other options are impossible if not feasible. The Indonesian Parliament approved 2007 Budget on October 17, 2007 $83.4 billion (Rp. 763.6 trillion) with exchange rate of Rp. 9,155/USD. This budget was projected based on fuel price of $63 per barrel.
On this 2007 approved budget, total expenditures were project Rp. 763.6 trillion (21.6% of GDP) and total revenue was projected Rp. 723.1 trillion (20.5% of GDP). It was expected that Indonesia will sustain Rp. 40.5 trillion (1.1% of GDP) under 2007 approved budget by the Indonesian Parliament.
What was not expected was the fuel price increase from $55 per barrel in 2007 and now it has reached $105 per barrel in 2008. For being an OPEC member, fuel price increase should be a great thing, right? Nope, it is the opposite. It becomes a blunder for SBY administration. Why?
In those budgets, it was allocated Rp. 102.9 trillion (2.9% of GDP) to cover the government’s subsidies on fuel, electricity. Etc. Now that the fuel price in 2008 has increased from $63 per barrel to $105 and higher, those subsidies funds will increase from Rp. 102.9 trillion to over Rp. 265 trillion. It is more than double! That makes SBY administration nuts. He needs to find the needed funds to cover those subsidies. The question is not but or when, but how?
Unless the price fuel in Indonesia is adjusted, the total deficit will increase from $40.5 trillion (1.1% GDP) to over Rp. 197.4 trillion (4.8% GDP). No right minded President wants to face that high deficit. Despite public outcries, adjusting fuel price in Indonesia is the right thing to do, if it is not the only best option available for SBY administration to do.
Any political transition or changes will create window opportunities. It certainly does. It is a phenomenon that shall not surprise us. Those political transformations will force the public and politicians to adjust themselves to capture those new opportunities. If those old Indonesian political elites were able to reconstitute themselves within the new system, that is only a political maneuver that we all shall expect to happen. The grip of power is in every politician’s mind.
What missing (big time) in those political transformations are the absence or at best, the lack of political rules of public engagements on the field.
Those politicians can adjust themselves with whatever song and dance they want to play within the new system, but those adjustments must be limited, tailored and guided by the public rule of engagements on the field in such a way that all of those representatives are directed by rule of public engagements to do one thing and one thing only, that is to fight for the interest of their constituents, people interest or public interest at large and not their political party interest. This is what still missing in Indonesia.
In the USA, we have: “Robert Rule of Order, Brown Act, Better Rules of Government and many local Codes and Ordinances”. All those public rule of engagements are designed to limit, guide, restrict and direct public conduct and behavior of those politicians for the benefit of the people. For example, under better rules of government, a public official in the State of California is not allowed to accept gift or money in value more than $365 a year. It is about $1 a day. Also, the Brown Act states that the public has the right to know and to be informed. This forces those politicians to share information on what he/she is doing regularly with the constituents or public. Thus secrecy under democracy is minimized and eliminated.
Those public rules of engagement force those politicians and public representatives to behave and conduct themselves in such a way that is tailored to address and fight for the interest of the constituent or the people at large. In the absence or, lack of these public rules of engagement on the field, just look at what happen with PILKADA (PEMELIHAN KEPALA DAERAH) in Indonesia. It is pretty much democracy of using money to buy vote. This practice shall be PROHIBITED under that rule of public engagement. Indonesian politicians shall draft these public rules of engagement sooner than later if we want to see a better democracy, better governance and its impact to the people.
There are 11 principles of Democracy and the very 1st principle of Democracy called: “Individual Sovereignty” is not being implemented or recognized in Indonesia. Individual Sovereignty is perhaps a new animal to be recognized in Indonesia. Recently, a join declaration was issued by the Government of Indonesia to warn, limit and prohibit Ahmadiyya community from practicing their belief, in violation of the Indonesian 1945 Constitution and the principle of Democracy itself. If those big bosses in the Executive Branch do not recognize how wrong this is, I don’t know what kind of Democracy is Indonesia trying to embrace.
Many people understand what democracy is all about. What happens in Indonesia today is a direct result of misunderstanding those principles of democracy and in the absence or lack of public rules of engagement creates so many lope holes in a democratic system of government. What we see is not a stable government but chaos and turmoil.
And because democracy in Indonesia is more of government of political parties, by political parties and for political parties, many multidimensional crisis such as: its mounting domestic and foreign debts” is left in the back burner unresolved even within the new system. Those politicians do not even care many critical issues that Indonesia faces in this very moment. Unless those 11 principles of Democracy are properly implemented in Indonesia, I don’t expect too much with the new democratic system to work in the best interest of the ordinary Indonesia people.
Democracy should be about people’s interests, not political parties’ interests and this can only be achieved if those 11 principles of democracy are strictly implemented and supported with ongoing and continuous efforts by Indonesian politicians to establish public rules of engagement to create a better government every step of the way that carea about people and not big corporations or political parties.
Democracy should be about government that abides by the rule of law and not the rule of man. cfk
@ Jen and Beni: Thank you, but I am still a researcher at his infancy. I am still in the early stages of learning about many things, so I apologize if my writing is not that good, and I would really appreciate any comments and inputs that you two could give me. Meanwhile, about democratic decentralization, I am actually currently working on a research project dealing with regional autonomy and local conflicts. Perhaps, if i have the time, I would like to write a short article about ‘democratic decentralization’ once i finished this project. Will keep you updated.
@ Chris: I have replied to your comments that Beni forwarded to me. He might forward it to you soon. Thank you for your comments though.