Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia

By Jennie S. Bev

Today I write bi-weekly op-ed pieces for The Jakarta Post, an English print newspaper based in Jakarta, an Asian metropolis 9,400 miles away from New York. I also guest blog for Asia Blogging Network based in the same city. From time to time, I write articles for Asia Sentinel, an online news site based in Hong Kong, China. Reprints of my articles can also be found in the pages of Korea Times based in Seoul and Asia News Network based in Bangkok, Thailand. Read the rest of this entry »

Sumber gambar: smknegeri2telukkuantan.blogspot.com

oleh Yunani Adam

Pada artikel terdahulu saya menyinggung betapa pentingnya peran pendidikan untuk mengubah kualitas leadership kepemimpinan Indonesia, di antaranya adalah dengan menerapkan system pendidikan berantai.

Yang saya maksud dengan pendidikan berantai adalah menurunkan atau merantaikan ilmu yang telah dipelajari dari seseorang kepada orang lain, baik secara langsung, yaitu dengan mengajar secara rutin (contoh yang mudah adalah pelajaran bahasa Inggris), maupun secara tidak langsung, yaitu dengan memberikan dana atau alat bantuan lain kepada anak-anak yang tidak mampu untuk melanjutkan pendidikan mereka. Read the rest of this entry »

Sumber gambar: national-caaba.org

oleh Dr. Beni Bevly

Pengusaha kecil dan menengah (supplier) seringkali menghadapi kesulitan untuk memenangkan kontrak atau tender dari perusahaan raksa swasta dan sektor umum dari pemerintah. Bagaimana cara mengatasinya?

Dalam seminar dua hari NCAABA (National Council of Asian American Business) Supplier Academy di San Francisco State University, San Francisco yang saya hadiri beberapa waktu lalu juga membicara hal serupa dalam konteks Tanah Seberang. Seminar yang lebih cenderung mengarah pada workshop ini dihadiri oleh para pebisnis kecil dan minoritas. Read the rest of this entry »

oleh Yunani Adam

Pada awal periode reformasi tahun 1998 masyarakat Indonesia mempunyai harapan besar akan terjadinya perubahan yang postif, termasuk diharapkan akan tampilnya pemimpin yang mengutamakan kepentingang masyarkat banyak dan negara. Sebaliknya, hingga saat ini leadership atau karakter dan ketrampilan kepemimpinan banyak pemimpin yang mengendalikan roda pemerintahan dan organisasi non-pemeritahan ternyata masih jauh dari harapan rakyat banyak dan merugikan negara. Dalam kesempatan ini saya akan membahas kemungkinan merubah leadership pemimpin Indonesia dengan menerapkan sistem pendidikan yang tepat.

Secara teknis, penerapan pendidikan yang saya ajukan adalah program pendidikan berantai yang melibatkan banyak individu, baik mereka yang berada di dalam maupun di luar negeri, termasuk dari segi pendanaan. Read the rest of this entry »

by Jennie S. Bev

The Youth Pledge was declared on Oct. 28, 1928, where three ideals of Indonesia –one motherland, one nation and one language– were immortalized and became the unifying promise among young Indonesians.

Today, such commemoration may sound like a routine without much practical meaning. While it is true that it was an important milestone in Indonesian history and we appreciate those heroic youth role models, many of us aren’t even aware of today’s young Indonesians who are inspiring and successful internationally and have been carrying the country’s name on their shoulders. We should give proper accolades to past and present heroes and ambassadors, and breed future ones.

To be known as Indonesian-born individuals in the international arena requires both the courage and the willingness to be perceived as “different.” They also fought long and hard along with top-notch international players. And this alone deserves our sincere applause. Read the rest of this entry »

Title: From Golden Bridge to Golden Monument: Essays on Humanity, Fairness, and Peace
Author: Jennie Siat Bev
Language: English
Publisher: Afton Asia & Afton Institute
Genre: Anthology
Specification: 221 pages, 6 x 9 inch; soft cover
Price: $21.95 (BUY)

We live in an interesting time.

We could be nearing the end of time but intelligent optimists believe that we are embarking on a new beginning, which is more hopeful and meaningful. After all, everything comes in cycles. In grand epic A Tale of Two Cities, Charles Dickens wrote, “It was the best of times, it was the worst of times; it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness; it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity; it was the season of light, it was the season of darkness; it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair; we had everything before us, we had nothing before us.” Paradoxes are looming and one has full discretion to stand for anything he or she believes in.

I believe that with conviction and consistency, we can make the world slightly better than yesterday. Thus, we should stand on the side of wisdom, belief, light, hope and abundance rather than on the side of foolishness, incredulity, darkness, despair and nihilism. From time to time, we should remind ourselves to be intelligent optimists, regardless of the current state of the world. Through writing, I believe that I have this option. Read the rest of this entry »

Image source: home.flash.net

By Jennie S. Bev

Contrary to popular belief, academics are intellectuals but not all intellectuals are academics. Additionally, not all intellectuals are known to the public, and not all public intellectuals are radical.

Radical intellectuals can be found somewhere between university classes and writing and research gigs. They might even be unemployed and possess no Harvard or University of Indonesia PhDs. They are usually those who possess strong opinions but stay on the sidelines. They are iconoclasts, critics and polemicists. Read the rest of this entry »

Image source: nirwansyahputra.wordpress.com

By Evan A. Laksmana

Last Friday, President Yudhoyono, while officiating the latest war monuments in Jakarta, asked that all of us cherish and reflect on Indonesia’s military history, reminding us that while we may prefer “soft power”, we should also be “ready for war”.

Here, the three monuments were meant to commemorate our “struggles” with Malaysia, East Timor and the Dutch. Read the rest of this entry »

Image source: blog.beliefnet.com

Jennie S. Bev

Everything starts with words. Throughout history, every iconic individual of any degree of importance in the society has at least one book and multiple short pieces written by, inspired by, or dedicated to him or her. Every major event and phenomenon is likely to have some sort of written record as well.

After all, written words are repository of histories, thoughts, feelings, and efforts in maintaining and creating new paradigms. They are testimonies of human civilization’s ever-changing nature and search for ultimate understanding through various tangible and intangible means.

Words are both edifices and crystal balls.

According to Mary Pipher in Writing to Change the World, good writing facilitates the making of connection in a way that inspires openheartedness, thinking, talking, and action. It widens the reader’s understanding of the world, and empowers and inspires them. And writers who write away from their homeland might be those who are guilty for the crime of being distant and receiving accolades for see things in a magnified manner as if looking through a telescope so powerful like one on the Canary Island of La Palma.

Salman Rushdie in Imaginary Homelands uttered it well, “It may be argued that the past is a country from which we have all emigrated, that its loss is part of our common humanity. Which seems to me self-evidently true; but I suggest that the writer who is out-of-country and even out-of-language may experience this loss in an intensified form. It is made more concrete for him by the physical fact of discontinuity, of his present being in a different place from his past, of his being ‘elsewhere.’ This may enable him to speak properly and concretely on a subject of universal significance and appeal.”

He added, “But let me go further. The broken glass is not merely a mirror of nostalgia. It is also, I believe, a useful tool with which to work in the present.”

Broken glasses create beautiful mosaics. This, I believe to be true.

With memories from the past, recent experiences from the present, and hopes for the future, writing for a faraway homeland gives a glimmer of longing to be present in the most visible manner. It is as if shouting to fellow countrymen and women, “Look, I am here. I’m with you. I share your joy and your pain.” And as put forth beautifully by Joyce Carol Oates in The Faith of a Writer, as we all have gone through childhood, it is an opportunity to soak in the marrow of our bones and to condition our interpretation of the universe by exercising our control of environment and response to it.

Or, perhaps even for a few selfish reasons, as George Orwell once pointed out bravely in Why I Write.

First, sheer egoism. Every writer desires to be seen clever, to be the talk of the town, to be remembered long after demise, and to share with those who bullied us in childhood the sweet revenge of success. Along with other top crust of the society, writers want to be acknowledged as agents of change. To be important.

Second, aesthetic enthusiasm. Writers use words to shape perception, particularly the perception of beauty, and it is almost impossible to find any writer who does not place significance in the firmness of good prose and the rhythm of a good story, despite his or her style and guidelines being used.

Third, historical impulse. Writers have strong desire to see things as they are, to find out true facts and store them in a time capsule for the use of posterity. Their works are accretionary.
Fourth, political purpose. All writers have a yearning to push the world in a certain path, to alter other people’s idea of the kind of society that they should strive after. Thus, it is safe to say that no piece of writing is free from ideological and philosophical biases. And it is also safe to say that all writers are politicians in their own right.

Of course, those are what Orwell believed, which I also believe to some degree. As a non-fiction writer who has written no nonsense how-to articles, straight-shooting journalistic pieces, to reflective-contemplative philosophical essays, I write with a purpose. Sometimes they are intended for informing, sometimes for shaping opinions, and more often than not for sharing with the world what I see through my lenses and think with these grey cells.

As a writer who writes away from her faraway homeland, certain things are imaginary. Yet the presence is real. The meaning is not transplanted from a faraway land to be adopted without any reservation, but to be considered an abridgment.

As a writer, I give a choice to my readers and it is likely to be genuine and unique. After all, I write for an imaginary homeland from a faraway land. And broken glasses create beautiful mosaics.

______
Jennie S. Bev is an author and a columnist based in Northern California. She can be found at JennieSBev.com. This article was published by The Jakarta Globe with its version.

Background

“Around 11:30am, I saw several people of a large crowd hijacked a car and forced the passengers to come out of the car. They pulled two women out of the car and stripped them naked. They gang raped them. Those two girls tried to fight while shouting with fear, but failed,” said an eyewitness in Muara Angke, Jakarta on May 14, 1998.

Almost 100 Indonesian females of Chinese ethnicity suffered from sexual abuse and 1,339 Indonesians died during the tragedy of humanity May 13-15, 1998. Many deaths occurred in malls set on fire by the mobilized crowd. Shooting of four Trisakti University students occurred prior. The afternoon cloud of Jakarta went dark and the midnight sky went bright flaming red due to fires set ablazed. There were 5,723 properties, 1,948 private vehicles, and 516 public transportations costing inconceivable amount of casualties had resulted. Similar incidents also occurred in other cities simultaneously, such as Surabaya, Palembang, Solo, and Lampung (Jusuf, Timbul, Gultom & Frishka, 2007).

After ten years of May 1998 tragedy, we can still listen to cries from victims’ families, “My heart is hurt. My life doesn’t mean anything, void. Until the end of time, I won’t forget how such inhumane incident that has cost my son’s life. He was accused as a rioter, but he was actually a victim. Where can I ask for justice? Why did it happen?”

Such violence and discrimination incidents like May 1998 Tragedy of Humanity had occurred in Indonesia for more than 300 years. In 1740, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) under General Governor Adriaan Valckenier has massacred 10,000 people of Chinese ethnicity in Batavia (read: Batavia was the former name of Jakarta) (Setiono, 2003).

On October 31, 1918, as the result of divide at impera imperialism political strategy by the Dutch, properties belong to people of Chinese ethnicity in Kudus were mobbed and set on fire by thousands of mobilized crowds from Mayong, Jepara, Pati, Demak, and vicinity. Hundreds of people of Chinese ethnicity were injured and 16 died.

When the Dutch lost in World War II, they destructed, looted, and destroyed a massive number of houses, shops, and hundreds of factories belong to people of Chinese ethnicity in Indonesia. Many people used the Dutch’s derogatory behaviors as examples at that moment and at a later date.

The Japanese colonized Indonesia after the Dutch’s failure. They also performed violence and discrimination. They created strong divide between Indonesian natives and the minorities. One of the massacres occurred in October 1943 was known as “Pontianak Affair,” in which 1,500 people were killed, of which 854 were of Chinese ethnicity (Purdey, 2006).

With the Japanese retreated from Indonesia, the Dutch returned as NICA soldiers (Nederlandsch Indie Civil Administration). They succeeded in their divide-and-conquer efforts. In May 1946, there were 635 Chinese people killed and some of them burnt alive, including 136 women and children in Tangerang, which is located a few kilometers west of Jakarta, and vicinity. One thousand two hundred and sixty eight houses were burned and 236 were destructed (Setiono, 2006a).

Following those incidents were more massacres, lootings, and burnings of properties, shops, factories, and vehicles in Bagan Siapi-Api, Kuningan, Majalengka, Indramayu, Pekalongan, Tegal, Purwokerto, Purbalingga, Bobotsari, Gombong, Lumajang, Jember, Malang, Lawang, Singosari, and other regions.

After Indonesia’s independence, many more violent and discrimination-based incidents kept occurring. On May 10, 1963, anarchic incidents occurred again. Started with a motorcycle bumping into a college student, provoked crowd immediately looted, destructed, and burned properties and automobiles in Bandung, which later spread to neighboring regions, such as Tasikmalaya, Garut, Cianjur, and Sukabumi.

Military operation against those who were accused, of which many of them were wrongfully, of being involved in G30S (30 September Movement) was started in 1965. Such operation had resulted in deaths millions of men and women of all ages, minorities and majorities, Muslim and non-Muslim. Millions of deaths without any fair trial. In 1967, with objective of eradicating Serawak People Guerilla Troop (Pasukan Gerilyawan Rakyat Serawak PGRS), the crowd was mobilized again to massacre the villagers of West Kalimantan, of which many of them were of Chinese ethnicity. Tens of thousands of people sought refuge in Singkawang and Pontianak.

On January 15, 1974, a protest occurred that later was known as Malari Incident started a series of lootings, burnings, and attacks toward shops and shop owners who were of Chinese ethnicity in Pasar Senen and Blok M areas, Jakarta.

We can also recall how we have noted the numerous victims of violence, who were our brothers and sisters, in the Mysterious Shootings in Tanjung Priok 1984, Talangsari 1989, and Activist Kidnappings 1997-1998.

Prior to the retrieval of Indonesian National Military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia or TNI) in Timor Leste by the end of 1999, mass killings, burnings, destructions, and lootings occurred. During the conflict period and TNI colonization, 125,000 Timor Leste residents were killed (Vickers, 2007).

More incidents of violence and discrimination in large or small scales, both locally and nationally, based on ethnicity and religion, political and non-political, as those previous occurrences have the potential to happen again in the future if we allow those believers in violence and discrimination to perform the gross violence against humanity.

Such incidents of violence and discrimination were orchestrated as vehicles in the tug-of-war of power among those who are power hungry. For such political goal, they utilized divide-and-conquer strategy by exploiting ethnicity, religion, race, and cultural sentiments. As a strong supporter of new Indonesia without violence, we must end such actions of gross violations against humanity.

Our ancestors have lived their lives marked with incidents of violence and discrimination, while long prior to that they had lived in harmony with people of other races and had chosen to live in Nusantara, the land prior to Indonesia’s independence. All of us long to live together in harmony and peacefully for the unity of our people.

Almost a thousand of years ago, people of Chinese ethnicity have taught many indigenous people in the pre-independence Indonesia to make bricks and roof tiles for their houses. Living together in harmony side-by-side had also allowed the transfer of all kinds of knowledge, such as how to use needle, make clothings, and plant food crops to occur seamlessly (Adam, 2002).

In togetherness, we also fostered collaborations with external sources, such as with China, to build war ships and assemble gunpowder technology. Because of such collaborations, Indonesian ancestors were able to unite pre-independence Indonesia under the ruling of Majapahit Kingdom.

With collaborations with Cheng Ho Admiral and some of Wali Songo, who were Islamic leaders of China origin, Islam set foot in pre-independence Indonesia. By the same token, Wali Songo, among which include Sunan Bonang (Bong Ang), Sunan Kalijaga (Gan Si Cang), Sunan Ampel (Bong Swi Hoo), and Sunan Jati (Toh A Bo), established the first Islamic kingdom in Demak. The first sultan Raden Patah was also known as Jin Bun or Cek Ko Po (Qurtuby, 2003).

Harmonious collaborations between “indigenous” Indonesians and people of Chinese ethnicity have resulted in winning the independence war against the Dutch, which was evident in the Java War (1825-1830). In that war, Tan Djin Sing actively helped Prince of Diponegoro by contributing in the forms of expenses, horses, and training the members of the troop with martial arts (Setiono, 2006b).

Those who had gone before us had set an example of harmonious living in light of unifying modern Indonesia under the slogan “One Nation, One People, and One Language” on October 28, 1928. Sin Po newspaper was the first publication that published Indonesia Raya national anthem and helped with propaganda for using “Indonesia” as a term that substituted “Hindia Belanda,” which was the official name during Dutch colonization. Kwee Thiam Hong (Daud Budiman), Ong Khai Siang, Jong Liaw Thoan Hok, Thio Jin Kwee, and Muhammad Chai were involved in Sumpah Pemud, which was a national plead for unity (Wijayakusuma, 1999).

Liem Koen Hian, Oei Tjong Hauw, Oei Tiang Tjoei, and Tan Eng Hoa were also actively involved in the drafting of Indonesia’s Fundamental Laws (Undang-Undang Dasar RI) in 1945 (Suryadinata, 2005).

The long struggle of the Republic of Indonesia to this very day has been the result of harmonious collaborations of those who call themselves “indigenous” Indonesians and people of Chinese ethnicity. Therefore, whoever lives in Indonesia or become Indonesian citizen regardless of their ethnicities and origins have the fundamental rights to receive humane treatments, without violence and discrimination whatsoever.

In the 10th anniversary of May 1998 tragedy of humanity, we urge the government of the Republic of Indonesia to thoroughly investigate the series of atrocities in May 1998 that occurred throughout Indonesia, and to bring the perpetrators to justice without any exception or reservation.

We urge the government of the Republic of Indonesia to lawfully bring to justice any individual(s) and/or group(s) that have been exploiting the issues of ethnicity, religion, race, and culture toward victims of violence and discrimination.

We invite all citizens of Indonesia and citizens of the world to take part and show solidarity in light of establishing a new Indonesia without any violence and discrimination.

Name of Activity

We call this activity of commemorating the 10th year of May 1998 Tragedy of Humanity as “Worldwide Vigil for Humanity.”

Objectives

This Worldwide Vigil for Humanity has three objectives:

Fisrst, to urge the government of the Republic of Indonesia to fully investigate the May 1998 Tragedy of Humanity and to bring the perpetrators to justice without any exception or reservation.

Second, to urge the government of the Republic of Indonesia to enforce the laws and bring to justice individual(s) and/or group(s) that exploit ethnicity, religion, race, and culture toward victims of violence and discrimination.

Third, to invite all citizens of Indonesia and citizens of the world in establishing new Indonesia without violence and discrimination.

Executor and Originator

The people behind this activity or executors are those individuals and organizations that support the goals of this action and sign the petition “Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” as set forth on PeacefulIndonesia.com (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/petition/).

The originator of this activity is Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia (OTTI) (http://www.overseasthinktankforindonesia.com), an informal study group focusing on Indonesia issues from the perspective of activist-scholar of humanity based in California, the United States.

Scope, Timeframe, and Place of Activities

The scope, timeframe, and place of activities of Worldwide Vigil for Humanity comprise of signing the petition and becoming the doers or executors for the activity, disseminating information on activities, conducting the worldwide vigil of humanity followed by oration, conducting seminar or discussion, and delivering the petition.

First, we urge you to support and become a part of this human rights activism by joining the “Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” petition, which can be done through Peaceful Indonesia Web Site by clicking “Sign the Petition” (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/petition/) between March 24 to May 1, 2008.

Second, we urge you to install Worldwide Vigil of 10 Years for Humanity Tragedy in May 1998 banner on your blog or web site. You will be able to download the banners of your choices by clicking “Banners” (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/banners/) on Peaceful Indonesia web site.

Third, we urge you to send in plans and execution of activities in commemorating 10 years of May 1998 Humanity Tragedy in forms of text/article, graphic and or video/film to Peaceful Indonesia web site with attention to peacefulindonesia[at]gmail.com.

Fourth, we urge you to conduct Worldwide Vigil for Humanity by enunciating the “Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” petition (as attached) followed by oration between May 13-15, 2008 worldwide or at wherever you conduct your activity.

Fifth, we urge you to conduct seminar or discussion on “Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” in May 1998.

Sixth, we will deliver the petition to the President of Republic of Indonesia and carbon copy it to all institutions, organizations and individuals related to May 1998 Humanity Tragedy in Indonesia and overseas by May 10, 2008.

We invite and urge you as concerned citizens of the world to act individually or within groups or organizations, which is symbolized by signing “Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” petition.

Closing

We hope that all concerned citizens of Indonesia and citizens of the world, who are moved heartily and mindfully to urge the government of the Republic of Indonesia to thoroughly investigate and bring to justice the perpetrators of crimes against humanity, include May 1998 Humanity Tragedy and to re-create a new Indonesia without violence and discrimination.

We urge all concerned citizens of Indonesia and citizens of the world to visit PeacefulIndonesia.com (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com) and sign the petition page.

For further information, please contact Mutiara Andalas, SJ and Dr. Beni Bevly at peacefulindonesia[at]gmail.com.

Faithfully yours,

Mutiara Andalas, SJ dan Dr. Beni Bevly
Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia
Berkeley, Friday, Maret 41, 2008

References

Adam, A. W. (2002, 12 Februari). Cina Absen Dalam Pelajaran Sejarah. Koran Tempo.

Jusuf, E.I., Timbul, H., Gultom, O., & Frishka. (2007). Kerusuhan Mei 1998, Fakta, Data & Analisa. Jakarta, Indonesia: SNB, APHI dan TIFA.

Purdey, J. (2006). Anti-Chinese Violence in Indonesia, 1996-1999. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press.

Qurtuby, S.A. (2003). Arus Cina-Islam-Jawa. Jakarta, Indonesia: Inspeal Ahimsakarya Press.

Setiono, G. (2003).Tionghoa dalam Pusaran Politik. Jakarta, Indonesia: ELKASA.

Setiono, G. (2006a, Mei). Peristiwa 13-15 Mai 1998 Puncak Kekerasan Anti Tionghoa di Indonesia. Makalah dalam rangka seminar di ICAA, Los Angeles, 13 Mei 2006 dan ICANet, San Francisco, 14 Mei 2006.

Setiono, G. (2006b, Mei). Tionghoa di Indonesia. Makalah dalam rangka seminar di Sebring Group di Toronto, Canada, 20 Mei 2006.

Suryadinata, L. (2005). Pemikiran Politik Etnis Tionghoa Indonesia 1900-2002. Jakarta, Indonesia: INTI-LP3ES.

Vickers, A. (2007). A History of Modern Indonesia. New York, NY: Cambrige University Press.

Wijayakusuma, H. (1999, Mei). Warga Tionghoa Juga Anak Bangsa. Tabloid Suar 168. minggu ketiga.

Attachment
Proposal of Worldwide Vigil
10th Year Commemoration of May 1998 Tragedy

“Toward New Indonesia without Violence and Discrimination” petition

“Around 11:30am, I saw several people of a large crowd hijacked a car and forced the passengers to come out of the car. They pulled two women out of the car and stripped them naked. They gang raped them. Those two girls tried to fight while shouting with fear, but failed,” said an eyewitness in Muara Angke, Jakarta on May 14, 1998.

“My heart is hurt. My life doesn’t mean anything, void. Until the end of time, I won’t forget how such inhumane incident that has cost my son’s life. He was accused as a rioter, but he was actually a victim. Where can I ask for justice? Why did it happen?” said a mother of a victim in May 1998 Humanity Tragedy.

Ninety two Indonesian females of Chinese ethnicity were sexually abused, 1,338 were killed, and unaccounted private and public properties were destroyed in May 1998 Tragedy that occurred in Jakarta, Surabaya, Palembang, Solo, and Lampung.

Incidents of violence and discrimination have occurred in Indonesia for more than 300 years. In 1740, more than 10,000 people of Chinese ethnicity were massacred and the females sexually abused by Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) under the ruling of General Governor Adriaan Valckenier

On October 31, 1918, as the result of divide-and-conquer Dutch colonial political strategy, thousands of mobilized crowd from Mayong, Jepara, Pati, Demak, and others destructed shops and housings of those belong to people of Chinese ethnicity in Kudus. Hundreds of people were injured and 16 of them were killed.

The colonial political strategies involving mobilized crowd to perform orchestrated violence toward minority groups, who have been scapegoated as “threats,” have been adopted by post-independence regime(s). The politics of scapegoating a particular minority group, such as G30S, for instance, had caused the deaths of hundreds of thousands to millions of men and women, minorities and majorities, Muslims and non-Muslims.

Incidents of violence and discrimination in various scales have occurred due to ethnicity, religion, racial, and cultural issues. Eruptions of violence have the potential to re-emerge in the future if we allow perpetrators of gross violators of crimes against humanity to walk free from justice and if we refuse to empathize with the victims and survivors.

Those who had gone before us have pioneered a pluralistic Indonesia that comprises of various ethnicities, religions, races, and cultures. They have worked together hand-in-hand in defending themselves against all kinds of inhumane and derogatory treatments in the forms of colonization, violence, racial discrimination, and others. They have taken oath that we are all one nation, one people, and one language. Indonesia.

In this 10th year commemoration of May 1998 Tragedy, we urge the government of Republic of Indonesia to fully investigate May 1998 Tragedy and bring the perpetrators to justice.

We urge the government of Republic of Indonesia to prosecute to the fullest extend of the law any individual(s) or group(s) that exploit the issues of ethnicity, religion, race, and culture to the victims.

We urge all concerned citizens of Indonesia and concerned citizens of the world to show solidarity to Indonesian people and victims of crimes against humanity in light of creating a new Indonesia without violence and discrimination.[]

Latar Belakang

“Sekitar jam 11.30, saya melihat beberapa orang di antara massa mencegat sebuah mobil dan memaksa penumpang turun, kemudian menarik dua orang gadis keluar. Mereka mulai melucuti pakaian kedua gadis itu dan memperkosanya beramai-ramai. Kedua gadis itu coba melawan sambil menjerit ketakutan, namun sia-sia,” tutur seorang saksi mata di Muara Angke, Jakarta pada tanggal 14 Mei 1998.

Hampir seratus perempuan Indonesia etnis Tionghoa menderita kekerasan seksual dalam tragedi kemanusiaan 13-15 Mei 1998 dan 1.339 warga Indonesia menderita kematian dini di beberapa supermarket yang dibakar gerakan massa. Penembakan yang menyebabkan kematian dini empat mahasiswa Universitas Trisakti mendahului tragedi Mei. Langit siang Jakarta menjadi gelap dan langit malam menjadi merah membara oleh kobaran asap dan pembakaran terhadap lebih dari 5.723 bangunan, 1948 kendaraan dan 516 fasilitas umum dengan total kerugian material, moral dan jiwa yang tak terhargai. Kekerasan serupa juga berlangsung di beberapa kota lain, seperti Surabaya, Palembang, Solo dan Lampung (Jusuf, Timbul, Gultom & Frishka, 2007).

Sepuluh tahun pasca-tragedi Mei 1998, kita mendengar ratapan keluarga korban, “Hati saya masih sangat perih. Hidup saya tak berarti, hampa. Sampai kapan pun saya tidak akan dapat melupakan peristiwa biadab yang merengut nyawa anak saya dalam tragedi Mei 1998. Dia dituduh penjarah, padahal ia korban. Saya hendak mencari keadilan, tetapi kepada siapa? Mengapa ini harus terjadi?”

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi seperti Tragedi Kemanusiaan Mei 1998 telah berlangsung di pertiwi Indonesia lebih dari tiga ratus tahun. Pada tahun 1740, Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) di bawah pimpinan Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier membantai lebih dari 10.000 warga Nusantara di Batavia (Setiono, 2003).

Pada tanggal 31 Oktober 1918, sebagai akibat politik adu domba pemerintah kolonial Belanda, rumah-rumah dan toko-toko di kota Kudus dijarah dan dibakar habis oleh ribuan massa yang datang dari Mayong, Jepara, Pati, Demak dan daerah sekitarnya. Ratusan warga Nusantara menderita luka-luka dan enam belas meninggal dunia secara dini.

Ketika kalah perang dan menarik diri pada Perang Dunia II, tentara Belanda mendobrak, menjarah, dan menghancurkan banyak rumah, toko dan ratusan pabrik milik penduduk Indonesia. Sebagian rakyat Indonesia meniru perbuatan yang merendahkan kemanusiaan ini.

Jepang menggantikan Belanda sebagai penjajah Indonesia. Mereka juga menggelar kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Mereka memutus ikatan komunitas antara warga minoritas dan mayoritas Indonesia. Salah satu pembantaian terjadi pada akhir Oktober 1943, yang dikenal dengan “Pontianak Affair” dimana sebanyak 1.500 jiwa melayang, 854 di antaranya minoritas (Purdey, 2006).

Dengan mundurnya Jepang dari bumi Indonesia, Belanda ingin kembali lagi melalui tentara NICA (Nederlandsch Indie Civil Administration). Mereka berhasil mengadu domba rakyat Indonesia. Pada Mei 1946, sebanyak 635 orang, termasuk 136 perempuan dan anak-anak di daerah Tangerang dan sekitarnya menjadi korban pembunuhan. 1.268 rumah dibakar dan 236 juga mengalami kerusakan (Setiono, 2006a).

Kemudian berlangsung rangkaian pembantaian, penjarahan dan pembakaran atas rumah-rumah, tokoh-tokoh, pabrik-pabrik dan kendaraan-kendaraan di Bagan Siapi-Api, Kuningan, Majelengka, Indramayu, Pekalongan, tegal, Purwokerto, Purbalingga, Bobotsari, Gombong, Lumajang, Jember, Malang, Lawang, Singosari, dan sebagainya.

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi belum usai pasca-kemerdekaan. Pada 10 Mei 1963, tindakan anarkis kembali terjadi. Akibat senggolan motor terhadap seorang mahasiswa, massa yang mengalami provokasi melakukan aksi penjarahan, perusakan, dan pembakaran di Bandung, dan kemudian meluas ke kota-kota sekitarnya, seperti Tasikmalaya, Garut, Cianjur dan Sukabumi.

Operasi militer terhadap mereka yang didakwa terlibat dalam G30S (Gerakan 30 September) yang dimulai pada tahun 1965 mengakibatkan jatuhnya korban jiwa laki-laki dan perempuan, minoritas dan mayoritas, Muslim dan non-Muslim dalam jumlah jutaan. Pada tahun 1967, dengan alasan menumpas Pasukan Gerilyawan Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) — kembali lagi tebukti betapa rapuhnya persaudaran kita sebagai rakyat Indonesia — kita berhasil diprovokasi sehingga terjadi aksi pembantaian di desa-desa pedalaman Kalimantan Barat yang mengakibatkan puluhan ribu orang mengungsi ke Singkawang dan Pontianak.

Pada tanggal 15 Januari 1974 protes yang kemudian dikenal dengan peristiwa Malari meluas menjadi aksi penjarahan, pembakaran dan serangan terhadap pertokoan dan penghuninya di Glodok, pasar Senen dan Blok M, Jakarta.

Kita masih mencatat saudara-saudari kita yang menjadi korban kekerasan, seperti dalam peristiwa Penembakan Misterius, Tanjung Priok 1984, Talangsari 1989, dan Penculikan Aktivis 1997-1998.

Menjelang penarikan Tentara nasional Indonesia (TNI) di Timor Leste pada akhir tahun 1999, berlangsung pembunuhan, pembakaran, pengrusakan dan penjarahan massal. Selama konflik dan pendudukan TNI, sebanyak 125.000 warga Timor Leste diperkirakan meninggal secara dini (Vickers, 2007).

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi baik dalam skala besar dan kecil, lokal dan nasional, besifat ras dan agama, politik dan non-politik seperti di atas masih mungkin berlangsung di masa depan jika kita, bangsa Indonesia, membiarkan para pemeluk berhala kekerasan dan diskriminasi menjalankan aksinya.

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi berlangsung karena individu atau kelompok orang yang memperebutkan dan mempertahankan kekuasanaan mereka secara rakus. Untuk tujuan politik ini, mereka mengadu domba warga Indonesia dengan mengeksploitasi sentimen suku, agama, ras, dan antarbudaya. Sebagai pencinta Indonesia baru tanpa kekerasan, kita harus menghentikan tindakan yang melanggar kemanusiaan ini.

Selain warna kehidupan yang penuh dengan kekerasan dan diskriminasi, kita tahu bahwa nenek moyang kita pernah hidup dengan rukun dengan bangsa lain yang menetap dan menjadi penduduk Nusantara. Kita merindukan dan menyerukan untuk hidup bersama secara damai demi kesatuan bangsa.

Hampir ribuan tahun silam penduduk Nusantara membuahkan karya pembuatan batu bata dan genting guna membangun rumah. Kehidupan bersama yang damai juga menelurkan penggunaan jarum untuk membuat pakaian dan menghasilkan cocok tanam dan pengelolaan padi secara lebih efisien untuk kelangsungan hidup (Adam, 2002).

Kita juga menjalin kerja sama dengan para pendatang dari luar untuk membangun galangan kapal perang dan merakit teknologi mesiu dan meriam secara bersama. Karena itulah, nenek moyong kita berhasil mempersatukan Nusantara di bawah Kerajaan Majapahit.

Melalui kerja sama dengan Laksaman Cheng Ho dan para Wali Songo, Islam merasuki bumi Nusantara. Pada kesempatan itu pula, para wali, diantaranya Sunan Bonang (Bong Ang), Sunan Kalijaga (Gan Si Cang), Sunan Ampel ((Bong Swi Hoo) dan Sunan Jati (Toh A Bo), mendirikan kerajaan Islam pertama di Demak. Sultan pertama kerajaan Islam Demak, Raden Patah juga dikenal sebagai Jin Bun atau Cek Ko Po (Qurtuby, 2003).

Kerja sama yang harmonis untuk mengusir penjajah dari muka bumi Nusantara juga terlihat dalam Perang Jawa (1825-1830). Dalam perang ini, Tan Djin Sing secara aktif membantu Pangeran Diponegoro antara lain dengan memberikan sumbangan dana, kuda kesayangannya untuk Pangeran Diponegoro dan melatih para pemimpin pasukannya dengan ilmu bela diri (Setiono, 2006b).

Para pendahulu kita telah bekerja sama secara harmonis untuk menyatukan Indonesia modern di bawah Satu Nusa, Satu Bangsa dan Satu Bahasa Indonesia pada tanggal 28 Oktober 1928. Harian Sin Po untuk pertama kalinya menerbitkan lirik lagu Indonesia Raya dan mempropagandakan penggunaan nama “Indonesia” untuk menggantikan “Hindia Belanda”. Kwee Thiam Hong (Daud Budiman), Ong Khai Siang, Jong Liaw Thoan Hok, Thio Jin Kwee dan Muhammad Chai terlibat dalam Sumpah Pemuda (Wijayakusuma, 1999).

Liem Koen Hian, Oei Tjong Hauw, Oei Tiang Tjoei dan Tan Eng Hoa juga terlibat aktif dalam merumuskan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara RI pada tahun 1945 (Suryadinata, 2005).

Perjuangan panjang Republik Indonesia hingga saat ini adalah hasil kerja sama yang harmonis dari para pendahulu kita. Oleh karena itu, siapa saja yang tinggal di Indonesia atau menjadi warga negara Indonesia berhak menerima perlakuan yang berperikemanusiaan, tanpa kekerasan dan diskriminasi.

Pada peringatan 10 tahun tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998, kami mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk mengusut tuntas tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998, dan mengadili para pelakunya.

Kami mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk menindak secara hukum individu atau kelompok yang mengeksploitasi suku, agama, ras, dan antarbudaya untuk kekerasan dan diskriminasi terhadap target korbannya.

Kami mengundang semua warga Indonesia dan warga dunia yang peduli Indonesia untuk menciptakan Indonesia baru tanpa kekerasan dan diskriminasi

Nama Kegiatan

Kami menamakan kegiatan dalam rangka memperingati 10 tahun Tragedi Mei 1998 “Renungan Kemanusiaan Sedunia”.

Tujuan Kegiatan

Renungan Kemanusiaan Sedunia mempunyai tiga tujuan utama, yaitu:

Pertama, mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk mengusut tuntas tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998, dan mengadili para pelakunya.

Kedua, mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk menindak secara hukum individu atau kelompok yang mengeksploitasi suku, agama, ras, dan antarbudaya untuk kekerasan dan diskriminasi terhadap target korbannya.

Ketiga, mengundang semua warga Indonesia dan warga dunia yang peduli Indonesia untuk menciptakan Indonesia baru tanpa kekerasan dan diskriminasi.

Pelaksana dan Penggagas Kegiatan

Pelaksana kegiatan adalah semua pihak, baik individu maupun organisasi yang mendukung tujuan kegiatan ini dan mencatatkan diri dalam petisi “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi” seperti terlampir melalui website Peaceful Indonesia (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/).

Penggagas kegiatan ini adalah Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia/OTTI (http://www.overseasthinktankforindonesia.com/), suatu paguyuban lingkar studi mengenai Indonesia dari perspektif akademisi-aktivis kemanusiaan yang berpusat di Kalifornia, Amerika Serikat.

Cakupan, Waktu dan Tempat Kegiatan

Cakupan, waktu dan tempat kegiatan Renungan Kemanusiaan Sedunia terdiri dari pencatatan diri sebagai peserta petisi dan peserta kegiatan, penginformasian rencana kegiatan dan kegiatan, renungan kemanusiaan sedunia diikuti oleh orasi, seminar atau diskusi, dan pengiriman petisi.

Pertama, kami menghimbau anda untuk mendukung dan menjadi peserta dari kegiatan ini dengan memasukkan petisi Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi” melalui web site Peaceful Indonesia dengan mengklik “Masukkan Petisi” (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/petition/) antara tanggal 24 Maret 2008 sampai tanggal 1 Mei 2008.

Kedua, kami mendorong Anda untuk memasang banner Renungan Sedunia 10 Tahun Tragedi Kemanusiaan Mei 1998 di web site atau di blog masing-masing. Pilihan banner ini bisa di-download dengan meng-klik “Banners” (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/banners/) di web site Peaceful Indonesia.

Ketiga, kami mengharapkan Anda untuk mengirimkan informasi rencana kegiatan dan kegiatan peringatan 10 tahun Tragedi Kemanusiaan Mei 1998 berupa teks/tulisan, gambar dan atau video/film ke web site Peaceful Indonesia dengan ditujukan ke peacefulindonesia[at]gmail.com

Kempat, kami meminta Anda untuk melakukan Renungan Kemanusiaan Sedunia dengan membacakan petisi “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi” (seperti terlampir) dan diikuti oleh orasi yang diadakan pada tanggal 13-15 Mei 2008 di seluruh dunia di wilayah atau negara masing-masing.

Kelima, kami mendorong Anda untuk mengadakan seminar atau diskusi mengenai “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi” pada bulan Mei 2008.

Keenam, kami akan mengirimkan petisi kepada Presiden Republik Indonesia dan meneruskannya ke semua instansi, organisasi dan individu yang terkait di Indonesia dan di luar Indonesia. Kami memperkirakan semua pihak terkait sudah menerima petisi ini pada tanggal 10 Mei 2008.

Kami menyerahkan teknis pelaksanaan kegiatan di lapangan sepenunya kepada masing-masing individu dan organisasi yang bergabung dalam petisi “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi.”

Penutup

Demikian proposal kami. Kami berharap semua pihak terpanggil dan tergerak dalam mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk mengusut tuntas dan mengadili para pelaku kejahatan kemanusiaan, termasuk Tragedi Kemusiaan Mei 1998, dan menciptakan tatanan hidup bersama menuju Indonesia baru tanpa kekerasan dan diskriminasi.

Kami mengundang sudara-saudari untuk mengunjungi web site Peaceful Indonesia (http://www.peacefulindonesia.com/) dan mengisi lembaran petisi “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi.”

Untuk keterangan lebih lanjut, kami mempersilahkan saudara-saudari untuk menghubungi Mutiara Andalas, SJ, dan Dr. Beni Bevly di peacefulindonesia[at]gmail[dot]com.

Hormat Kami,

Mutiara Andalas, SJ dan Dr. Beni Bevly
Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia
Berkeley, Jumat, 14 Maret 2008

Daftar Pustaka

Adam, A. W. (2002, 12 Februari). Cina Absen Dalam Pelajaran Sejarah. Koran Tempo.

Jusuf, E.I., Timbul, H., Gultom, O., & Frishka. (2007). Kerusuhan Mei 1998, Fakta, Data & Analisa. Jakarta, Indonesia: SNB, APHI dan TIFA.

Purdey, J. (2006). Anti-Chinese Violence in Indonesia, 1996-1999. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawai’i Press.

Qurtuby, S.A. (2003). Arus Cina-Islam-Jawa. Jakarta, Indonesia: Inspeal Ahimsakarya Press.

Setiono, G. (2003).Tionghoa dalam Pusaran Politik. Jakarta, Indonesia: ELKASA.

Setiono, G. (2006a, Mei). Peristiwa 13-15 Mei 1998 Puncak Kekerasan Anti Tionghoa di Indonesia. Makalah dalam rangka seminar di ICAA, Los Angeles, 13 Mei 2006 dan ICANet, San Francisco, 14 Mei 2006.

Setiono, G. (2006b, Mei). Tionghoa di Indonesia. Makalah dalam rangka seminar di Sebring Group di Toronto, Canada, 20 Mei 2006.

Suryadinata, L. (2005). Pemikiran Politik Etnis Tionghoa Indonesia 1900-2002. Jakarta, Indonesia: INTI-LP3ES.

Vickers, A. (2007). A History of Modern Indonesia. New York, NY: Cambrige University Press.

Wijayakusuma, H. (1999, Mei). Warga Tionghoa Juga Anak Bangsa. Tabloid Suar 168. minggu ketiga.

Lampiran
Proposal Renungan Kemanusiaan Sedunia
Dalam Memperingati 10 tahun Tragedi Mei 1998

Petisi “Menuju Indonesia Baru Tanpa Kekerasan dan Diskriminasi”

“Sekitar jam 11.30, saya melihat beberapa orang di antara massa mencegat sebuah mobil dan memaksa penumpang turun, kemudian menarik dua orang gadis keluar. Mereka mulai melucuti pakaian kedua gadis itu dan memperkosanya beramai-ramai. Kedua gadis itu coba melawan sambil menjerit ketakutan, namun sia-sia,” tutur seorang saksi mata di Muara Angke, Jakarta pada tanggal 14 Mei 1998.

“Hati saya masih sangat perih. Hidup saya tak berarti, hampa. Sampai kapanpun saya tidak akan bisa melupakan peristiwa biadab yang merengut nyawa anak saya dalam Tragedi Mei 1998. Dia dituduh penjarah, padahal ia korban. Saya hendak mencari keadilan, tapi kepada siapa? Mengapa ini harus terjadi?” tutur seorang ibu korban tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998.

92 perempuan Indonesia etnis Tionghoa menderita kekerasan seksual, 1.338 warga Indonesia menderita kematian dini di pusat-pusat perbelanjaan umum, dan tak terhitung fasilitas pribadi dan umum rusak dalam tragedi Mei 1998 yang berlangsung di Jakarta, Surabaya, Palembang, Solo, dan Lampung.

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi, seperti Tragedi Mei 1998, telah berlangsung di pertiwi Indonesia lebih dari tiga ratus tahun. Pada tahun 1740, lebih dari 10.000 warga Nusantara etnis Tionghoa menderita kematian dini karena pembantaian dan karena kekerasan seksual terhadap para perempuannya oleh Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (VOC) atas perintah Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier.

Pada tanggal 31 Oktober 1918, sebagai akibat politik adu domba rezim kolonial Belanda, ribuan massa dari Mayong, Jepara, Pati, Demak, dan sekitarnya merusak kawasan pertokoan dan pemukiman warga Nusantara etnis Tionghoa di Kudus. Ratusan warga Nusantara etnis Tionghoa menderita luka dan enam belas dari mereka menderita kematian dini.

Praktek rezim kolonial Belanda yang melibatkan massa untuk melangsungkan kekerasan terhadap kelompok masyarakat yang dikambinghitamkan sebagai ancaman diadopsi oleh rezim penguasa Indonesia pasca-kemerdekaan. Politik kambing hitam terhadap G30S (Gerakan 30 September), misalnya, menelan korban dalam rentang ratusan ribu hingga jutaan korban laki-laki dan perempuan, minoritas dan mayoritas, Muslim dan non-Muslim.

Kekerasan dan diskriminasi lainnya dalam skala yang beragam telah berlangsung karena isu-isu suku, agama, ras, dan antarbudaya. Ledakan kekerasan masih berpotensi berlangsung di masa depan jika kita membiarkan para pelaku kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan lolos dari tuntutan hukum dan jika kita menolak berbela rasa dengan para korban.

Para pendahulu bangsa Indonesia telah mengawali terciptanya Nusantara-Indonesia yang menghargai pluralitas suku, agama, ras, dan antar budaya. Mereka bahu-membahu melawan setiap bentuk perendahan kemanusiaan dalam wujud kolonialisme, kekerasan, diskriminasi rasial, dan sebagainya. Mereka mengikrarkan satu nusa, satu bangsa, dan satu bahasa Indonesia.

Pada peringatan 10 tahun tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998, kami mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk mengusut tuntas tragedi kemanusiaan Mei 1998, dan mengadili para pelakunya.

Kami mendorong pemerintah Republik Indonesia untuk menindak secara hukum individu atau kelompok yang mengeksploitasi suku, agama, ras, dan antarbudaya untuk kekerasan dan diskriminasi terhadap target korbannya.

Kami mengundang semua warga Indonesia dan warga dunia yang peduli Indonesia untuk menciptakan Indonesia baru tanpa kekerasan dan diskriminasi [].

By Beni Bevly

It’s my tendency to get to know the topic more from the seminar or discussion that I am going to attend. The night before attending the discussion in San Francisco, CA, USA with Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti (MA ’66 Public Admin and PhD ’81 Political Science UC Berkeley Alumnus) who was a Professor of Economics at the University of Indonesia, Former Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs, and the 14th former Indonesian Ambassador to the United States, I conducted a brief research on current Indonesia economy. There were two findings that’s quite interesting. First, about the positive progress of Indonesia economy represented by statistics economy growth, and second, it shows the decrease of wealth, increase of poverty and unemployment rate among Indonesian people. How could it be? I thought the discussion with Dr. Kuntjoro-Jakri would help me to understand this issue better.

In that seminar, he presented the statistic data regarding IV quarter of 2007 Indonesia economy improvement and a new tendency that was happening in Indonesia economy which involved private equity that had been buying undervalue, under-manged and high risk companies, including public companies. He called it P2P (Private Equity to Public) business. All the data he presented was so impressive and very promising. In term of economic growth, he mentioned from 1998 with -13.8% of GDP, has been improving persistently up to 6.3% in 2007 and would be 6.5-7% in 2008. In term of investment, it raised to 145% from 2006. He also mentioned that inflation was under control, which was around 6% in 2007-2009. And there were many other information and statistics to support the argument that Indonesia economy was already in the right track.

Unfortunately, I did not get the answer for my contradictory findings, which were the positive progress of Indonesia economy represented by statistics economy growth on one side, and showed the decrease of wealth, increase of poverty and unemployment rate among Indonesian people on the other side. In fact, my expectation on this seminar was not too high considering that Dr. Kuntjoro-Jakti had different reputation compared to his seniors at the University of California Berkeley who were known as Berkeley Mafia. He was considered as an populist scholar and a supporter of the rights and power of the people. Below is the statement I quoted from Kompas:

“Akan tetapi, sebetulnya posisi yang diambil Dorodjatun itu tidaklah aneh, bahkan mungkin dia memang tidak pas untuk dimasukkan ke dalam kelompok “epistemis liberal”. Meskipun dia dikenal sebagai generasi terakhir Mafia Berkeley, dia sebetulnya sudah menyimpang dari jalur liberalisme ekonomi yang dianut kelompok teknokrat tersebut.

Dalam sebuah diskusi Senat Mahasiswa di FISIP UI, dia secara bercanda mengatakan bahwa Pemerintah Indonesia waktu itu berhenti mengirimkan ekonom mudanya ke Berkeley setelah melihat hasil dari generasi terakhirnya (maksudnya dirinya sendiri) menjadi melenceng. Maka, kalau dulu Hadi Soesastro mengajar pengantar ekonomi di FISIP UI memakai textbook Samuelson, Dorodjatun lebih menyukai textbook Todaro.”

He even did not refer to Samuelson’s Economic text book when he taught at the college, instead he used Todaro’s.

As we know, Paul Anthony Samuelson (born May 15, 1915) is an American neoclassical economist who wrote Economics. Samuelson’s text was first published in 1948, and it immediately became the authority for the principles of economics courses. The book continues to be the standard-bearer for principles courses, and this revision continues to be a clear, accurate, and interesting introduction to modern economics principles. Bill Nordhaus is now the primary author of this text, and he has revised the book to be as current and relevant as ever.

Whereas, Michael P. Todaro is an American economist and is a pioneer in the field of transportation economics. His Economic Development in the Third World is a book to aim at undergraduates and focuses on development problems such as poverty, inequality and unemployment. In order to help students grasp important economic concepts, emphasis is placed on explaining them in the context of the actual problems confronting Third World policy makers.

However, there is always the other side of a coin. An article which discusses his economy policy on Pikiran Rakyat news paper mentions:

“Sementara itu ketua Tim Pemantau Kebijakan Publik P3R Ahmad Iskandar menambahkan, semua kebijakan ekonomi yang dikeluarkan tim Menko Ekuin Kabinet Gotong Royong (Dorodjatun Kuncoro Jakti cs) cenderung hanya meniru konsepsi kebijakan yang dibuat oleh arsitek ekonomi Orde Baru yang lebih mementingkan kepentingan pihak asing ketimbang kepentingan rakyat. ”Kami menyayangkan kinerja Pak Dorodjatun yang memperlihatkan dirinya tidak lebih hanya kelanjutan dari ”mafia berkeley” generasi kedua,” ungkap Iskandar.

Ia menambahkan, krisis ekonomi nasional yang sudah berlangsung hampir 5 tahun tidak bisa dilepaskan dari kesalahan konsepsi, policy, dan strategi pembangunan yang dibuat arsitek ekonomi Orde Baru yang beken disebut Mafia Berkeley (Widjojo Nitisastro, Ali Wardhana, Emil Salim, M. Sadli, dan Subroto).”

Basically, this article discusses that Dr. Kuntjoro-Jakti’s performance as Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs was the continuation from Berkeley Mafia who prioritized foreigners’ vested interest and set aside people’s interest.

Despite of the above arguments, from February 2005 to March 2006, the poverty rate increased from 16.0 to 17.8 percent. There are 39 million people, 4 million more than in 2005, who were getting poorer. There are two main elements that caused the increasing of poverty rate. First, the increase of fuel price. Once, it increased 126% in 2005, and the majority of the people still feel the impact until today. Second the increase of rice price. Between February 2005 and March 2006 the rice price increased double. While the people wages barely increased. The number of poor Indonesians would have soared even more, to 51 million people according to the statistics office.

According to the CIA-The World Fact Book, the unemployment rate had been increasing steadily since 2004 that stared with 8.70 %, becoming 9.20% in 2005, 11.80% in 2006, and it was estimated 12.50% in 2007. There are two main elements that cause the unemployment keeps increasing in Indonesia. First, the economic development does not reach the rural areas. From time to time, these areas are far left behind. Many of them are getting poorer. People who live in these areas no longer can rely on what they have been doing to support their life. As a result, a lot of them seek for jobs in urban areas such as Jakarta, Surabaya and other big cities. Many of them become jobless and they even create more problems in big cities, such as increasing crime rate.

Second, there is lack of trained human resources. According to a recent international survey on quality of human resources, Indonesia ranked 59th among 60 developing countries surveyed, just below Vietnam. From 106 million-strong work force, 18% have never attended school, 36% are elementary school graduates and dropouts, 20% are junior high school graduates, 21% are senior high school graduates and less than 6 percent are academy and university graduates (Jakarta Post, retrieved on November 12, 2007). The industries have offered numerous job opportunities but they cannot be filled because of the absence people or lack of competence.

What these tell us? Even though Indonesian GDP growth has persistently improved since 1999, however, first, the economy development does not support agricultural development and its infrastructure, especially in cultivating rice or paddy properly. Second, the development only concentrates mostly in big cities. Third, there is no real effort and political will to establish effective and efficient power/energy plant and refinery and/or look for fossil fuel substitution. Fourth, the education system/program does not match to the requirement of the labor market. Because of these four elements, poverty and unemployment remain increase, regardless how much the statistics show that Indonesia economy improves.

_____
*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

Oleh Beni Bevly
Pada Mitos dan Fakta Kehidupan di Amerika Serikat (1) dan (2) diuraikan mengenai mitos dan fakta sekolah gratis, uang cuma-cuma dari sosial security dan free sex. Dalam artikel yang ke tiga ini akan diuraikan mitos dan fakta mengenai sikap indivisualistik dan kapitalistik di Amerika Serikat (AS). Artikel ini tidak bermaksud untuk membela pihak atau memojokkan pihak tertentu. Dengan pengalaman dan kehidupan di dua dunia, yaitu di Indonesia dan di Amerika, kiranya cukup bagiku untuk menilai secara pribadi bagaimana sesungguhnya fakta kehidupan masyarakat Amerika secara umum dalam dua hal ini.

Mitos Individualistik dan Kapitalistik

Orang Amerika sangat individualistik dan kapitalistik. Pengertian umum yang ditangkap dari kata individualiatik adalah bahwa orang yang termasuk golongan ini mempunyai sifat yang egois, tidak suka saling menolong atau gotong-royong dan tidak bersifat kekeluargaan. Agaknya kata individualistik ini seiring dengan pengertian umum tentang kapitalistik. Dikatakan kapitalistik jika seseorang hanya mengutamakan keuntungan semata dalam hubungannya dengan mahluk sesama atau mahluk lain. Karena sifat yang selalu mencari untung ini, mereka cenderung menjadi oportunis dan melupakan sisi kemanusiaan.

Mitos kehidupan orang Amerika yang individualistik dan kapitalistik di kalangan masyarkat Indonesia sudah tertanam di dalam benakku sejak dari Sekolah Menengah Pertama (SMP), atau mungkin dari Sekolah Dasar (SD). Di sekolah, ketika guru menerangkan bahwa ideologi Pancasila bukan suatu edeologi yang berkiblat pada komunisme dan juga bukan suatu ideologi yang mengarah pada kapitalisme atau individualisme. Dalam keterangan itu dijelaskan bahwa ideologi kapitalisme/individualisme adalah milik orang barat, termasuk orang Amerika Serikat. Kapitalisme/individualisme dan pengikutnya selalu digambarkan sebagai sesuatu yang jelek. Salah satu tulisan mengenai hal ini bisa dibaca di Kompas.com, 27 Juni 2006).

Fakta

Memang tidak bisa disangkal bahwa untuk batas tertentu, mitos mengenai individualistik dan kapitalistik adalah benar. Hal seperti ini bukan hanya ditemukan di AS, tetapi juga dengan mudah ditemukan di lingkungan di mana saja kita bergaul dan tinggal.

Untuk melihat lebih jelas mengenai fakta yang berkaitan dengan mitos kehidupan yang individualistik dan kapitalistik, marilah kita melihat secara dekat kehidupan kehidupan sehari-hari masyrakat di Amerika Serikat dari sisi di bawah ini.

Pertama, individualistik sering dikaitkan dengan sifat individu Amerika yang egois, tidak suka saling menolong atau gotong-royong, ignorance (tidak peduli) dan tidak punya sifat kekeluargaankan. Dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, termasuk tingkah laku orang Amerika di tempat umum di AS banyak ditemukan persetujuan yang tidak tertulis dan tidak disadari oleh mereka sendiri. Persetujuan tingkah laku ini memperlihatkan kebalikan dari sifat egois. Banyak tingkah laku yang terjadi di tempat umum mencerminkan sifat saling menolong, gotong royong dan malah bersifat kekeluargaan. Contohnya sebagai berikut.

Dalam hal lalu lintas berjalan baik dengan kendaraan ataupun pejalan kaki. Di setiap perempatan yang tidak ada lampu lalu lintas, dengan sendirinya para pengendara mobil akan berhenti dan menunggu giliran. Sulit ditemukan orang yang main menyelonong. Jika macet, tidak ada bunyi klakson nyaring yang memekakan dendang telinga. Hampir tidak ada yang memaksa untuk menggunakan bahu jalan. Jika ada pejalan kaki, pengendara mobil hampir selalu mengalah terhadap mereka.

Sebagai pejalan kaki, sudah menjadi kebiasaan mereka untuk berjalan di sebelah kanan jalan. Begitu juga pada saat menggunakan tangga umum dan escalator, seperti tangga di mall-mall. Jika seseorang menggunakan escalator dan tidak berjalan, maka orang tersebut akan berdiri di pinggir sebelah kanan escalator untuk memberi jalan pada orang lain di belakang melewati mereka melalui sebelah kiri.

Contoh lain adalah masuk keluar pintu. Pada umumnya orang Amerika akan membiarkan orang untuk keluar dulu, baru dia masuk. Jika di belakangnya atau di depannya ditemukan ada orang lain yang hendak keluar masuk, maka pengguna pintu pertama biasanya akan menahan pintu untuk orang tersebut masuk atau keluar. Orang yang masuk dan keluar tersebut dengan otomatis mengucapkan, “Thank you.”

Hal lain yang sering ditemukan di daerah parawisata adalah tawaran dari orang Amerika untuk menjepret pasangan yang sedang liburan. Jangan kwatir, mereka tidak akan membawa lari kamera kita.

Di kota aku tinggal, ada organisasi nonformal yang membantu dan memberi informasi bagi para tetangga yang baru pindah ke kota kami, yaitu New Comers Club. Ada juga Moms Club dan juga tidak ketinggalan organisasi sukarela untuk menjaga keamanan yang disebut Neighborhood Watch dan STAR program. STAR program adalah kerja sukarela khusus bagi pensiunan yang membantu Sjariff untuk menjaga keamanan lingkungan. Aku sendiri mengajarkan Tae Kwon Do dengan cuma-cuma setiap hari Sabtu pagi di taman.

Masih contoh di kota aku tinggal, banyak dari kami di sini yang mengadakan blok parti, yaitu kumpul makan-makan secara berkala dan bergantian di antara tetangga. Sesama tetangga, hanya kami yang orang Asia, yang lainnya adalah bule, saling tukar nomer telepon dan berjanji untuk untuk memberi tahu jika ada sesuatu yang tidak beres dan perlu bantuan.

Kedua, mitos kapitalistik yang selalu dikaitkan dengan para pemilik modal yang kegiatannya hanya mencari keuntungan semata, tanpa memperhatikan sisi kemanusiaan, ternyata tidak semuanya benar. Hampir di setiap perusahaan menengah dan besar di Amerika pasti mempunyai program sosial. Contoh yang bisa aku ambil dari perusahaan di mana aku pernah bekerja, yaitu Nordstrom dan Wellsfargo. Di Nordstrom, setiap tahun perusahaan selalu menganjurkan agar karyawannya beramal dan perusahaan sendiri dan men-match berapa yang karyawan kasih. Beberapa tahun yang lalu aku pernah ditunnjuk menjadi spoke person untuk kegiatan ini. Di sini aku bermitra dengan perusahaan dan United Way untuk mencari dana guna membantu organisasi non profit di bawah United Way.

Begitu juga ketika aku bekerja di Wellsfargo. Sebagai karyawan dan perusahaan memberikan sumbangan, baik tahunan ataupun bulanan kepada organisai nonprofit lokal.

Perlu diingat juga bahwa proposi tax yang ditarik oleh pemerintah dari karyawan dan pungusaha juga dijadikan dana tunjangan bagi penganguran dan orang tidak mampu.

Masih ingat sumbangan dari Warren Buffett yang legendaris itu? Ia menyumbang US $ 30.000.000.000 pada the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation dan US $ 6.000.000 pada empat Buffett Foundation. Begitu juga dengan pengusaha besar lainnya, seperti Bill Gates. Mereka menyumbangkan uang dalam jumlah besar pada nonprofit oranization yang bermisi kemanusiaan. Sumbangan mereka bisa dibaca di The Chronicle of Philanthropy.

Adalah hal yang tidak bijaksana jika aku hanya menelan bulat-bulat apa yang diajarkan oleh guru SD dan SMP-ku. Bukan pula suatu perbuatan yang bijaksana untuk menjelekan yang lain dan meninggikan kita sendiri. Tetapi carilah dan kembangkanlah terus kelebihan yang dimiliki oleh bansa kita sendiri.

_____
*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

Oleh Beni Bevly
Membaca pernyataan seorang menteri tentang keadaan desa-desa tertinggal di Indonesia sempat membuatku tercengang. Lalu aku teringat akan satu artikel yang pernah aku baca, yaitu tulisan Hayie Muhammad, Direktur Program Indonesia Procurement Watch. Aku pikir kenapa tidak aku coba hubungkan ini semua dengan menggunakan hitung-hitungan matematika secara kasar. Setelah aku lakukan, ternyata aku menemukan angka yang juga sangat mencengangkan, yaitu hanya dengan 12.5% uang hasil korupsi, desa-desa tertinggal tersebut bisa dimajukan.

Pada tanggal 15 Mei 2007 lalu, Menteri Kedulatan dan Perikanan, Freddy Numberi di Surabaya mengatakan,

“Di Indonesia ada 70.611 desa
dengan 20.000 diantaranya tanpa Puskesmas,
17.000 tak bisa dilintasi,
12.000 tanpa listrik,
30.000 dengan sebagian punya listrik dan sebagian tak punya listrik, dan banyak lagi.
Jadi, Indonesia bukan cuma Jakarta atau Surabaya” (antara.co.id).

Mengapa keadaan desa-desa ini sampai sedemikian parahnya? Untuk menjawab ini, coba kita kaitan dengan angka korupsi yang meraja rela di Indonesia.

Menurut laporan Bank Dunia dalam Indonesia Country Procurement Assessment Report, Reforming the Public Procurement Assessment System (2003) dan Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi bahwa korupsi terbesar terjadi di bidang pengadaan barang/jasa, yaitu 77% dari total jumlah korupsi . Jumlah yang diperkirakan dikorupsi dari bidang ini setiap tahun mencapai hingga RP. 70 triliun (Hayie Muhammad, Mendesak, UU Pengadaan Barang, 2007). Jika kita berasumsi bahwa korupsi seperti ini telah bejalan 30 tahun, maka angka yang diperoleh adalah:

Rp. 70 triliun x 30 tahun = Rp. 2.100 triliun yang dikorupsi.

Selanjutnya kita akan hitung berapa biaya yang dibutuhkan untuk membangun puskesmas, sekolah, jalan aspal dan pembangunan listrik bagi saudara-saudara kita yang malang di desa yang ditinggal.

Pembangungan satu puskesmas memakan biaya sekitar Rp. 50 juta dan sekolahan SD sekitar Rp. 90 juta. Hal ini terlihat dari kegiatan yang dilakukan oleh Dompet Bengkulu dengan mengandalkan biaya dari Pembaca Kompas tahun 2000, sebagai berikut:

Dua proyek yang biaya pembangunannya ditanggung oleh Dompet Bengkulu adalah satu puskesmas pembantu Rp 49,5 juta, dan satu unit SD senilai Rp 88,4 juta (kompas.com).

Pembangunan jalan beraspal dibutuhkan biaya Rp. 1,6 milliar per kilo meter. Ingat ini adalah angka dari dari pemerintah, Dirjen Bina Marga, yang biasanya telah dibesar-besarkan atau di-mark up untuk dikorupsi. Kutipan langsungnya sebagai berikut:

Berdasarkan hasil kajian Ditjen Bina Marga, biaya konstruksi pengecoran beton badan jalan dengan lebar tujuh meter rata-rata sebesar Rp 2 miliar per kilometer. Sedangkan pembangunan jalan baru yang menggunakan aspal menghabiskan biaya Rp 1,6 miliar per kilometer (perpustakaan.bappenas.go.id).

Total jalan di Indonesia panjangnya 368.360 km, di antaranya yang beraspal 213.649 km dan yang tidak beraspal sepanjang 154.711 km (cia.gov). Aku berasumsi, jika jalan yang 154.711 km diaspal maka sebagian 17.000 desa itu bisa dilintasi.

Biaya penyambungan listrik untuk satu rumah dengan contoh Banda Aceh adalah mulai dari Rp. 454.000, Rp. 655.000 dan Rp. 1,1 juta (serambinews.com). Ambillah nilai tengahnya, yaitu Rp. 655.000 dan anggaplah rata-rata terdapat 1.500 rumah di setiap desa.

Maka perhitungan untuk keseluruhan pembiayaan di atas adalah:

20.000 puskesmas x Rp.50 juta = Rp. 1.000.000.000.000 atau Rp.1 triliun

20.000 SD x Rp. 90 juta = Rp. 1.800.000.000.000 atau Rp. 1,8 triliun

154.711 km jalan x Rp. 1.6 milliar = Rp. 247.537.600.000.000 atau Rp. 248 triliun.

12.000 desa x 1.500 rumah x Rp. 650 ribu biaya listrik = Rp. 11.700.000.000.000 atau Rp. 12 triliun.

Jadi total biaya yang diperlukan untuk mengatasi permasalah yang dikatakan oleh menteri Kedulatan dan Perikanan, Freddy Numberi adalah Rp. 262,8 triliun.

Jumalah uang Rp. 262,8 triliun (12.5%) ini relatif kecil dan tidak berarti dibandingkan dari Rp. 2.100 triliun yang lenyap karena korupsi. Kalau begitu, jika uang yang hilang karena korupsi tersebut dipergunakan sebagaimana mestinya, maka saudara-saudara kita di yang desa-desa tersebut tidak perlu merasakan penderitaan seperti sekarang. Jika tidak ada penderitaan seperti ini, para menteripun kehabisan bahan pidato yang membuat aku tercengang mendengarkannya. Bukan itu saja, pemerintahpun akan kelebihan uang sebesar Rp. 1.837,2 triliun (Rp. 2.100 triliun – Rp. 262.8 triliun). Lalu mau dikemanakan uang yang maha banyak ini? Dikorupsi lagi?

_____
*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

By Beni Bevly
I notice that there are a lot of information, trainings and seminars about leadership, but it is hard to find things regarding followership. I think to achieve the common goals in an organization, followership skills are just as important as leadership skills. That’s why, it is worth it to discuss.

I knew a person who was quite good in leading, that’s why he always wanted to be a leader in any organization, at any situation and at any time. However it did not always come up with the good results because he had some limitations that prevented him to be a good leader at certain situation. One of his weaknesses was lack of delegation skill. For example when there was a need to negotiate with American, he wanted to do it directly himself. At the end, the negotiation did not come up with a pretty result. One of the problems was his language barrier. He coul not communicate very well in English.

At another occasion, when there was a meeting among organizations, discussing a project to be carried out and forming a team. Before the meeting ended, he walked away because no one voted for him as a leader of the team.

These two cases show how he was lack of followership skills. First, a person only understands how to delegate when he know how to be a follower because by delegating means trusting other people to take lead and take a part of his leadership’s portions. In this situation, besides acting as a leader, he also needs to be a follower from a person he delegates.

Second case shows that he did not understand that to achieve a common goal, one does not need to be a leader all the time. Follower also can contribute as much and as important as a leader. There is a time for one to be a good follower.

To master followership skills, at least one needs to know, understands and adjusts himself to the best basic style of followership. Robert Kelly (1992) suggested five basic styles of followership:

First, alienated followers habitually point out all the negative aspects of the organization to others. While alienated followers may set themselves as mavericks who have a healthy skepticism of the organization, leaders often see them as cynical, negative, and adversarial.

Second, conformist followers are the “yes people” of organizations. While very active at doing the organization’s work, they can be dangerous if the orders contradict societal standards of behavior or organizational policy. Often this style is the result of either the demanding and authoritarian style of leader or the overly rigid structure of the organization.

Third, pragmatist followers are rarely committed to their group’s work goals, but they have learned not to make waves. Because they do not like to stick out, pragmatists tend to be mediocre performers who can clog the arteries of many organizations. Because it can be difficult to discern just where they stand on issues, they present an ambiguous image with both positive and negative characteristics. In organizational settings, pragmatists may become experts in mastering the bureaucratic rules which can be used to protect them.

Fourth, passive followers display none of the characteristics of the exemplary follower. They rely on leader to do all the thinking. Furthermore, their work lacks enthusiasm. Lack initiative and a sense of responsibility, passive followers require constant direction. Leaders may see them as lazy, incompetent, or even stupid. Sometimes, however, passive followers adopt this style to help them cope with a leader who expects followers to behave that way.

Fifht, exemplary followers present a consistent picture to both leaders and coworkers of being independent, innovative, and willing to stand up to superior. They apply their talents for the benefit of the organization even when confronted with bureaucratic stumbling blocks or passive or pragmatist coworkers. Effective leaders appreciate the value of exemplary followers and create the conditions that encourage these behaviors.

What type of basic followers are you? I believe most of you are the exemplary followers. These types of followers are the best among other basic followership types. For an example, regarless of what they are pursuing, many Falun Gong followers can be categorized as this type. When it is a time to be a follower, let’s be the exemplary followers, the organization and society will get the full benefit from us.

_____
*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.