Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia

Oleh Beni Bevly
Dalam satu mailing list, ada seorang sahabat yang menangapi artikel “KETERPURUKAN EKONOMI INDONESIA DAN KAITANNYA DENGAN TRAGEDI MEI 1998: Analisa Preliminary”. Dalam kaitannya dengan perkembangan ekonomi Indonesia dan kerja sama dengan negara lain, ia mengemukakan:

“Yang pasti juga tidak ada satu negara industripun yang senang kalau negara dunia ketiga bisa menyainginya.”

Membaca kutipan di atas, mengingatkan aku pada teori ketergantungan dan kepentingan dalam hubungan internasional. Dalam dunia internasional, konstelasi politik, keamanan dan ekonomi telah banyak berubah sejak selesainya perang dingin, runtuhnya kubu Uni Soviet dan tumbuhnya raksasa ekonomi China. Walaupun demikian ada satu hal yang tidak berubah, hal ini sejalan dengan kutipan di atas, yaitu negara maju tetap akan menciptakan ketergantungan negara berkembang dan negara terbelakang kepada mereka demi pememenuhan kepentingan nasional mereka.

Dengan terciptaan ketergantungan baik dalam ekonomi, keamanan dan politik, maka suatu negara yang tergantung tidak akan bisa berkembang secara maksimal. Ketergantungan dan efek seperti inilah yang terjadi di Indonesia pada masa Orde Baru dan juga pada masa sekarang.

Salah satu contohnya adalah di mana Indonesia sangat tergantung pada mengekspor minyak dan kayu mentah pada negara maju, di lain pihak Indonesia tidak dikasih kesempatan untuk mengelolah minyak dan kayu mentah itu menjadi barang jadi atau setengah jadi. Terlepas dari dikasih atau tidaknya kesempatan, pemerintahan Indonesia sudah seharusnya dan selayaknya menumbuhkan dan mempuyai kemampuan ini.

Begitu juga dalam hal politik dan keamanan. Situasi ketakutan akan blok timur (komunis) atau karena hal lain, maka membuat Indonesia bergantung pada dukungan Amerika Serikat baik dari segi ideologi maupun kekuatan bersenjata. Sementara pembangunan dan pendidikan politik secara positive, terbuka dan dewasa agaknya tidak disampaikan pada rakyat Indonesia.

Dua contoh di atas (mengelolah bahan mentah menjadi bahan jadi, dan pembangunan dan pendidikan politik) tentu saja bukan menjadi masalah pemerintahan negara maju yang bekerja sama dengan Indonesia. Bagi mereka justru hal ini lebih baik jangan dikembangkan, karena kondisi keterbelakangan ini bisa digunakan untuk kepentingan nasional negara mereka. Mengapa begitu? Karena pada dasarnya setiap hubungan internasional antar negara selalu didasarkan atas kepentingan nasional. Hanya pemerintahan Indonesia saja yang selama ini tidak banyak melakukan hubungan Internasional berdasarkan kepentingan nasional yang rasional. Indonesia sering mencampur-adukkan kepentingan pribadi/golongan di dalam negeri dan perasaan “solidaritas’ yang tidak menentu. Contohnya adalah sikap Indonesia pada pemerintahan militer Myanmar dan pada pemerintahan Ahmad Dinejad, Iran.

Dengan type hubungan internasional seperti ini, tentu saja mempengaruhi perkembangan dalam negeri Indonesia. Singkatnya, negara kita tidak bisa berdiri sendiri dan tetap menjadi negara yang bergantung pada negara lain secara berkepanjangan.

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*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

By Beni Bevly
Indonesian government had taken great risks by backing up Iran in developing nuclear. Now, Indonesia stands a lone in the United Nations Security Council because of this decision. If Indonesia persists with the decision, Indonesia may loose many allies. Finally, it will affect Indonesia politically and economically in international affairs.

On Saturday, March 26, 2007, fifteen members of Security Council of the United Nations, including Indonesia signed Resolution 1747 in New York that goes beyond the nuclear sphere by banning Iranian exports of conventional arms and freezing financial assets abroad of 28 individuals and entities, including state-owned Bank Sepah and the commanders of the Revolutionary Guards. Some of those affected are said to be involved in supporting militant movements abroad (Evelyn Leopold, “Iran Rejects U.N. Vote on Arms, Financial Sanctions,” http://news.yahoo.com/, March 25, 2007).

Even though Indonesia Government had signed the resolution, according to Indonesian Presidential Spokesman, Dino Patty Djalal that Indonesia still backs Iran on Nuclear ambition for peace means. In Bogor, Indonesia, on March 26, 2007, he said (“Indonesia Tetap Dukung Pengembangan Nuklir Iran,” http://www.antara.co.id, March 26, 2007),

“Dari awal kita coba berhubungan dengan pihak-pihak terkait seperti Iran dan Amerika Serikat. Kita menjelaskan bahwa Indonesia mendukung Iran membangun proyek energi nuklirnya untuk kepentingan damai.”

Why does Indonesian government back Iran in developing nuclear? What does Indonesian government receive in return from Iran?

It seems the answer is quite simple, money. Back in May 2006, Indonesia’s Foreign Ministry said it expected Iran would commit to $600 million in investments in Indonesia’s gas and oil sector during Iran President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s visit. The planned investments would provide Indonesia’s energy sector with a greatly needed cash injection (Indonesia Backs Iran on Nuclear Ambitions http://abcnews.go.com, May 8, 2006).

In this case, Indonesian government like other governments, I believe had made this decision based on Indonesians’ interests. But for Indonesia long-term foreign affairs, I question this decision. How much Indonesian could take the advantage from Iran? How important Iran in international politics map?

If Iran is compared to United States, China, United Kingdom and other countries in the UN Security Council as a whole, Iran means less important than them, especially from long-term economics reason. As a whole, they have huge market where Indonesia could sell it products. On the other hand, they could invest even much more amount of money in Indonesia than Iran.

From political point of view, Indonesian government needs to remember that President Admadinejad’s is notorious with his statement regarding holocaust. Because of this statement, most western countries keep distance in cooperating with Iran.

In “Iranian Leader: Holocaust a ‘myth’,” http://www.cnn.com, December 14, 2005, CNN mentioned that Admadinejad expressed doubt about the killing by the Nazis of six million Jews during World War II, and the Holocaust was a myth. CNN quoted him,

“They have invented a myth that Jews were massacred and place this above God, religions and the prophets. … The West has given more significance to the myth of the genocide of the Jews, even more significant than God, religion, and the prophets.”

As a conclusion, it seems Indonesian government had taken great risks in backing up Iran in developing nuclear. The risks include of loosing western and other countries in UN Security Council as Indonesia’s allies. It means Indonesia could loose international support, economically and politically.

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*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

By Beni Bevly
Most of the times, after attending a seminar, I absorb some thing new and I feel smarter. But not with this particular one that was conducted by World Affairs Council of California in San Francisco, on March 15, 2007. In this seminar, I had mix feeling, embarrassing and irritating. Thanks to Donald Emerson who provided a silver lining in that nearly fruitless seminar. At least that what some of my colleagues and I felt.

The seminar that discussed the issue about US-Indonesian Relation in the Current Context of East & Southeast Asia was featuring the main presenter, Sudjadnan Parnohadingningrat (Ambassador of Indonesia to the United States) who was accompanied by Donald Emerson (Director, Southeast Asia Forum, Shorenstein Asia-Pacific Research Center, Stanford University). And Gordon Hein, Vice President of Programs, the Asia Foundation was the moderator.

There were three – small and big – things that happened in this seminar. Of course, all these were pertaining to Indonesia Ambassador to the United Nation, Sudjadnan Parnohadingningrat. I would like to elaborate them one by one as follows:

First, feudalistic impression.
Parnohadiningrat showed feudalistic impression when he was about to start his presentation. At that time, the screen that located behind him was just blank. With his very serious facial expression, he looked at someone (probably his assistant or “ajudan”) and pointed at the laptop that was sitting in front of him. That person was running to the front and touching the laptop, then the map of the world appeared on the screen.

Parnohadiningrat might not realize his action, but this sort of action is uncommon in the United States, especially in San Francisco, where the egalitarian and libertarian movement started. This is not the home for feudalism to grow. To turn back the screen on after screen saver is a very easy task to do, especially if you are a person who often gives seminar and utilizes laptop and projector like Mr. Ambassador. Or, probably he simply did not know how to do it. I feel sorry for him then.

Second, indirect and foggy message.
When Parnohadiningrat mentioned his first element that was regarding how important Indonesia to the United States, he did not go strait to the point.

Basically, what I understood that he wanted to mention that Indonesia was a strategic country in South East whom the United States could embrace to be its ally. By doing that way, the United States would be able to compete or counter against China’s aggression. My impression, he was still using the framework of cold war situation, which the United States believed in domino effect by the communist countries’ aggression.

Parnohadiningrat used that words of “power sharing configuration in South East Asia,” “new architecture in South East Asia.” But on the other side, he said, “I do not mean contending China” several times. So what actually he meant?

In commenting Parnohadiningrat, it seemed, in quoting the United States government officials, Don Emerson did not agree with him. Emerson mentioned that regionalism in South East Asia was not the main focus of the United States’ foreign affairs anymore, as well as partnership with Indonesia in this case. Emerson also questioned Indonesia’s action – as one of the Security Council in United Nations – that did not support the United States in pressuring Myanmar to establish its democracy.

For me personally, it is hard to understand where Indonesia stands for. Parnohadiningrat’s explanation did not help me. Probably, other American audiences in this seminar had the same problem as I did.

Third, the answer did not answer the question.
When it came to the question and answer session, Hein as the moderator read my question to Parnohadiningrat, “How does Indonesian government handle Muslim Fundamentalists movement who want to have Syariah law as the legal foundation of the nation? E.g.: FPI demanded to close down Christian School.”

In short, his answer was “Let the free market determines it. Every school needs to have the license from government.” He also stressed that there were only about 1 million Muslim Fundamentalists that would not win if they fight against more than 220 million people.

It meant, according to him, government would not do anything to handle this situation. Commenting this matter, I heard one of the participants said, “Is it an anarchy?”

Next question, so why does he think that Indonesians elected president and other government officials? The answer is — of course — for them to do their jobs. In this case, according to his answer, I conclude that government did not do their jobs.

Parnohadiningrat said something regarding my question, but he did not answer my question at all. Even though when I had a chance to talk to him one on one, I repeated my question one time and my colleague repeated again my question two times. He kept answering the same thing.

My final thought, I think that an ambassador should have known and adhered the host country’s custom and culture (direct and not feudalistic). Also, an ambassador should pay attention to his people’s question in the host country and let them know what actually their home country government does or will do. Oh, my ambassador, did you and me study this at the college?

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*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.

By Beni Bevly
City of Berkeley, California, USA and its University of California have remakable history and plays important role in shaping today’s Indonesia, and Indonesia-USA relationship. It was started from a group who pursued they education at the University of California (UC), Berkeley in 1960’s. In New Order period under Suharto’s regime, this group facilitated long-term U.S.-Indonesian strategic cooperation. This group is known as Berkeley Mafia. They are proud to be mentioned as “mafia.”

On Saturday, March 03, 2007, I went to Berkeley. It took me about 1 hour drive from my house in Mountain House, California. When I exited from free way 580 to University Avenue, Berkeley, I felt different vibrant. Hippy, proletariat, peace, freedom of self-expression are among the words to mention Berkeley environment.

I parked at the rear of University Coin-Op laundry where the UC Berkeley students do their laundry. I had lunch at Jayakarta Restaurant, an Indonesia cuisine. Then I spent the rest of the day for exploring the famous city and its university.

Even though I took accounting class in summer at this university several years ago, but it was not the one that is in Berkeley. I attended its campus which is located in San Francisco.

Berkeley is the site of the University of California, Berkeley, the oldest campus of the ten-campus University of California system, and the Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, Lawrence Hall of Science, Space Sciences Laboratory, and Mathematical Sciences Research Institute, which are on the campus grounds (http://wikipedia.org/). UC Berkeley was founded in 1868 in a merger of the private College of California and the public Agricultural, Mining, and Mechanical Arts College.

The University of California, Berkeley (also known as UC Berkeley, Berkeley, and Cal) is occupying about 200 acres on a wooded slope plus an additional 1000 acres (4 km²) of largely undeveloped land in the Berkeley Hills. The university offers some 300 undergraduate and graduate degree programs in a wide range of disciplines.

The postwar years saw moderate growth of the City, but events on the U.C. campus began to build up to the recognizable activism of the sixties. In the 1950s, McCarthyism induced the University to demand a loyalty oath from its professors, many of whom refused to sign any such oath on the principle of freedom of thought. In 1960, a U.S. House committee (HUAC) came to San Francisco to investigate the influence of communists in the Bay Area. Their inquisition was met by protesters, including many from the University. Meanwhile, a number of U.C. students became active in support of the Civil Rights Movement.

Finally, the University in 1964 provoked a massive student protest by banning the distribution of political literature on campus. This protest became known as the Free Speech Movement. As the Vietnam War rapidly escalated in the ensuing years, so did student activism at the University.

Although many think of the 1960s as the heyday of liberalism in Berkeley, it remains one of the most overwhelmingly liberal cities in the United States, with its 2004 presidential vote going more than 90% for John Kerry (54,419 votes) versus only 6.7% for George W. Bush (4,010 votes).

In the period of 1960’s, the Berkeley Mafia — a U.S.-educated group of Indonesian economists – learnt, experienced and witnessed how the world changed from UC Berkeley point of view. With the knowledge that they compiled from this university, together with Seharto’s regime, they put a lot of efforts to bring Indonesia back from dire economic conditions and the brink of famine in the mid-1960s. They were appointed as ministers in the ‘New Order’ administration for almost three decades. They also involved in long-term U.S.-Indonesian strategic cooperation, which was important during the Cold War.

The members of the Berkeley Mafia (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berkeley_Mafia):

Widjojo Nitisastro: Minister of Planning and National Development/Chairman of the National Development Planning Body (BAPPENAS) (1967-1983), Coordinating Minister of Economics, Finance, and Industry (1973-1983), Advisor to BAPPENAS (1983-1998), Economics Advisor to the President (1993-1998), Chairman of the Economics Assistance Team (1999-2001)

Ali Wardhana: Minister of Finance (1973-1983), Coordinating Minister of Economics, Finance, and Industry (1983-1988).

JB Sumarlin: Vice Chairman of BAPPENAS (1973-1982), Minister of State Apparatus (1973-1983), Minister of Planning and National Development/Chairman of BAPPENAS (1983-1988), Minister of Finance (1988-1993).

Subroto: Minister of Manpower, Transmigration, and Cooperatives (1973-1978), Minister of Mines and Energy (1978-1988).

Emil Salim: Vice Chairman of BAPPENAS (1967-1971), Minister of State Apparatus (1971-1973), Minister of Transportation, Communication, and Tourism (1973-1978), Minister of Development Supervision and Environment (1978-1983), Minister of Population and Environment (1983-1993).

Regardless, some of the negative consequences of their actions and collaboration with Suharto, we cannot deny that this group had shaped Indonesia as we see now, the good and the bad.

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*Beni Bevly holds BA in Political Science, MBA in Marketing, and is a DBA (Doctor of Business Administration) candidate. He is the founder of Overseas Think Tank for Indonesia.